Future roles for the Canadian Forces?
By BGen (Ret) Lloyd Skaalen
The federal government over the past three decades has under funded and
vacillated on the roles for the Canadian Forces to the extent that we no
longer have the capability to do anything very well, certainly not to the
standards that earned us kudos in the 50s and 60s. Perhaps it is time for a
new government, or at least political party platforms, to propose and then
introduce new objectives for the foreign and domestic roles of Canada's
"Armed" Forces.
Gone are the days when every small country in terms of population and
economic base, can exercise, or needs to be capable of exercising, military
force in all roles for independent purposes. Such countries, Canada included,
must instead forge relationships with other nations for national defence,
mutual deterrence and for the promotion of international stability. The UK
Minister of Defence, Geoff Hoon, noted this in his 26 June statement: "It is
highly unlikely that the United Kingdom would be engaged in large-scale
combat operations without the United States …"
To some degree, Canada's defence policy of 2003 acknowledges our
interdependence with allies in that, after the primary objective of defending
Canada, it identifies the other principal objectives as "contribute to the
defence of North America, in co-operation with the US," and "contribute
to international peace and security."
But why does the first objective, defence of Canada, suggest that we can
do it alone?
We still vainly attempt to field forces that are independent of others,
even of our own Coast Guard in national defence, and to equip for traditional
Cold War and ‘total war’ international conflicts. It is time for a reality
adjustment in Canadian foreign and defence policy.
The defence of Canada, for other than an attack by US forces, must
recognize our reliance on our powerful neighbour, the United States. From
weather surveillance and analysis to space based systems for navigation, we
are now integrated and mutually dependent. Let us then proceed with more
integration of our military and para-military forces. It is especially urgent
that naval and coast guard resources be interoperable for the security of
coastal areas and ports of North America. However, there are similar
operational partnerships that must be developed between our regular army and
militia forces in the manner already achieved by our air and space forces
within NORAD and Space Command. Northern Command is a new step in that
direction.
As for a Canadian capability to ‘contribute to’ international peace and
security, we must note the conclusion of a 20 June 2003 article in the
American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research, "Toward a Global
Cavalry" by Thomas Donnelly and Vance Serchuk: "...the strategic imperative
of patrolling the perimeter of the Pax Americana is transforming the US
military, and those few other forces capable and willing of standing
alongside, into the cavalry of a global, liberal international order. …their
job is one part warrior and one part policeman …"
(www.aei.org/publications/ )
If not ‘embedded’ within the US order of battle for these international
roles, we must be prepared to ‘contribute’ similarly under the banner of
NATO, the UN, or even of EUCOM. That means Canadian units, over and above
those needed for North American defence, manned, trained and equipped for
rapid deployment to every potential trouble spot in the world. That challenge
may lead to a rationalization of what it is that we could contribute.
In my view, our future focus for international contributions should be
just one or two support functions that will be useful in virtually every
scenario.
Chris Bullock argues, in the Spring/Summer issue of the CMSS Journal, that
Canada could contribute to its national and North American defence by
equipping a sea based ballistic missile defence (BMD) capability, and, at the
same time, by making it available for deployment with US or (my assumption)
multi-national task forces. ( www.jmss.org )
Nic Boisvert argues, in his 7 July 03 paper to CCS 21, that it may be time
for the renaissance of the aircraft carrier and its multi-support capability
in deployed operations for multi-national ‘force projection’ objectives. Of
course, he reminds all of the essential pre-requisites of interoperability.
(www.ccs21.org and select ‘articles’)
I would suggest that our Canadian Forces become experts in and training of
other forces in the operation and management of drones and other remotely
controlled systems that have proven so valuable in Afghanistan and Iraq. We
have seen them used for traditional ground and underwater surveillance, for
direct pre-programmed attack, for air to ground support (e.g. Predator), for
defence of installations (e.g. Patriot), and for the interception of enemy
aircraft and of surface ships.
We have had experience in this field (with Bomarc, ADATS, CL289, etc.)
and, we certainly have current expertise in the command and control systems
that are associated, such as from AWACS and within NORAD ground and space
control facilities.
With this range of employment in all conflict scenarios, unmanned vehicles
(UVs) could be the most important assets for the prevention of manned combat
or prosecution of combat operations with the minimum exposure of high value
resources such as manpower, ships, submarines and aircraft.
Of course there are other more traditional contributions that could be
made by Canada toward the objective of international security, such as EW/ECM
expertise, air transport support or field hospital teams. And, in every
option we must remember the absolute necessity for manpower on the ground to
consolidate peacemaking or peacekeeping roles that may have been made
possible by the ‘projection of force’ modes previously described. So, mobile
land forces, trained for foreign multi-national assignments, must be
maintained by Canada; and, that formation (battalion or brigade) must be
surplus to national defence requirements.
But, how can the Canadian Forces contemplate new roles and expensive
capital equipment? Perhaps by giving up some of the activities that have been
by-passed by technology. Just as the archers were made redundant by artillery
and rockets, perhaps fighter aircraft and manned aerial combat have now to
make way for other means of attaining air superiority, such as unmanned
systems.
Likewise, the effectiveness of manned submarines and armoured tanks should
be questioned for the roles now postulated for national defence and
international mobility operations.
Do we need our very own long-range air and sea transport, if we are going
to be operating at all times with allies? Why not contribute to a
multi-national capability as we are doing today for NATO AWACS?
These are hard questions, but they must be asked!
Now, let us find the political leadership that will establish a forthright
foreign policy role for Canada in the next decade. With clarity in that
objective and with proper funding, we will have the capability to implement
the military force structure and equipment most suited to our future national
and international obligations. _
BGen Lloyd Skaalen is a RUSI of VI member and former
director.
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